Is Food-Delivery Work a Form of “Short-Lived Labour”?

From the war of public opinion that JD.com and Meituan waged over riders’ social insurance in April, to the new regulation mandating compulsory social insurance contributions from 1 September, the working conditions of delivery riders are attracting ever greater attention. Yet for many riders, social insurance feels impossibly remote – they are always fixated on the immediate pressures of making a living.

Riders shuttle ceaselessly through the “last mile” of the food supply chain, at the cost of their own health. Few realise that those who rush about to deliver meals to customers are often the ones least able to sit down to a healthy meal within the very system they serve.

“Delivery riders often manage only two meals a day, and many of them suffer from stomach problems.” Transitional Labour This remark by author Sun Ping, made on the podcast Random Fluctuations, has left me deeply unsettled. Not out of surprise, but out of empathy. As a nutrition researcher, this contradiction made me realise that what warrants attention is not only the food on the table and the health it nurtures, but whether those who deliver meals can eat properly themselves.

I. Regular Meals Sacrificed to Work

At first glance, riders’ stomach problems seem attributable to a lack of health knowledge and an inability to look after their digestive systems. But when an entire group falls prey to such an “occupational disease”, the story goes far deeper than that.

The very nature of food-delivery work makes riders’ routines unpredictable. Their mealtimes and the quality of what they eat depend not on whether they “know how to stay healthy” but on order volumes, shift lengths, and even whether a pickup location is conveniently accessible. In reality, the pace of their work simply does not allow them enough time to prepare balanced meals. The health struggles riders face stem not from a lack of will to eat well, but from working conditions that deny them the ability to make better choices.

It is therefore both presumptuous and futile to prescribe “three regular meals a day” as a nutrition remedy for riders’ stomach problems, for such advice is incompatible with the survival imperative of being paid per order. The kind of expert tips frequently circulated on social media – “drink fewer fizzy drinks”, “eat more vegetables and fruit”, “exercise more” – may sound specific enough, but in the real world they often stumble against a web of social factors and remain all but impossible to follow.

◉A sprinting delivery rider brings a meal to a worker who never stops. Source: Zhou Pinglang
Although Sun Ping’s team did not conduct a dedicated health assessment of riders during their fieldwork, the book’s descriptions of how they cope with hunger reveal a kind of “obvious invisibility” in their health risks:

Xiaomin: a female rider who weathered the pain of divorce. “She works ten hours a day; to squeeze in more deliveries she rarely eats lunch, carrying biscuits and dried flatbread crisps she bought on Pinduoduo.”

Wu Zhifeng: in order to cope with the lockdown’s “exit-only, no return” policy, he chose to sleep rough on the streets while continuing to deliver. Every day he cooks himself two meals on a portable butane stove and a small pot. “I boil noodles or rice noodles for myself; sometimes I make tossed noodles and eat them with chilli sauce.”

Brother Hong: “He unzips his breakfast bag to reveal two roujiamo, their skins golden and crisp, steam curling up as he bites into one while drinking Pepsi.”

These meals are almost exclusively high-carbohydrate, high-calorie “grab-and-go” choices – a typical dietary snapshot of high-intensity physical workers. Such a pattern not only fails to provide balanced nutrition but also falls far short of the dietary guidelines’ advocacy of “diverse foods in sensible combinations”.

For some riders, “eating” barely registers as a priority in daily life. In a post on the public account “Riders Have Something to Say“, one delivery team leader reported that weight gain after taking up riding is extremely common, while the absence of weight gain – or even weight loss – may actually signal conditions such as hyperthyroidism. Xiao Bai, a crowdsourced rider who took part in the dietary survey, put it bluntly: he gives no thought to “meal balancing”:

“There’s no thought involved, no fancy lifestyle, no considerations. If there’s a flood of orders today, you just keep running – you don’t feel like eating, you just want to make money. A lot of riders only stop when the orders dry up; they won’t go offline on their own. As long as there are orders, you stay excited and forget the hunger.”

Eating healthily is no privilege, yet for riders who feel they must keep running orders “as long as they are alive”, two meals a day has all but become a prerequisite of a “successful” rider. The pressure of making a living erodes, day after day, their ability to choose what they eat and how they stay well.

◉A delivery station holds its morning briefing on the pavement. Staff management, order coordination and other operational tasks on the platform all depend on these frontline stations. Source: Tian Le
Riders are not only physically affected; their mental health is equally alarming. A South Korean study investigating the link between gig work and depression uncovered a disturbing reality – under work pressure, gig workers who eat fewer than three meals a day are more than three times as likely to develop depression as others. This sense of being hollowed out, body and mind, is vividly portrayed in the women riders described in Transitional Labour. Fangli, a female rider from a small town juggling the twin burdens of “widowed-style” parenting and making a living, found that simply eating together with her child had become an unattainable luxury:

“Sometimes – for example when my child is eating or just getting home from school – it’s exactly the delivery rush, so I’ve no time for him. At best I order a takeaway for him.”

The clash between the role of “rider” and that of “mother” keeps Fangli awake at night, making it all the more clear how gender and labour together shape the health of an individual and a family. When the boundaries between work and life blur ever further and constant change becomes the norm, the pressure of working for a living turns “eating healthily” into an exhausting trade-off. Health ought to be the most basic line that cannot be crossed – yet it is the easiest thing to sacrifice.

II. Does Gig Work Make You “Short-Lived”? What Medical Research Says

In Transitional Labour, Sun Ping addresses the low retention rates among food-delivery riders, describing the work as a form of “short-lived labour”. What I am more curious about, however, is whether, from the perspective of nutrition and health, delivering meals truly makes riders shorter-lived.

Medical research shows that, in the gig economy, the very nature of how one works has become a significant determinant of health – “a person’s employment status predicts the risk of dying from coronary heart disease better than any of the traditional risk factors.”

An article published in JAMA Cardiology states:

“The gig economy work environment should be considered a new social determinant of health, and possibly a modifiable cardiovascular risk factor. Researchers, policymakers and employers should systematically assess the health status of gig workers and develop targeted health interventions.”

Drawing on ride-hailing drivers as its entry point, this paper uses two sets of data to illustrate health risks in the “transitional labour” population that cannot be overlooked:

(1) Studies from the 1950s showed that occupations involving low levels of physical activity (such as bus driving) carried roughly twice the coronary heart disease mortality rate of high physical-activity occupations (such as manual labour).

(2) A survey of 130 taxi drivers in San Francisco found that 35% had four or more cardiovascular risk factors (including physical inactivity, smoking, an unhealthy diet and chronic stress); 36% smoked, and 33% engaged in no regular exercise.

Moreover, the vast ranks of gig workers face structural challenges around health insurance, minimum wages and trade unions. This precarious, flexible “gig-work” labour force is predominantly drawn from traditionally marginalised groups – rural migrant workers, recent migrants – who are swiftly gathered together by the prosperity myth of the platform economy, driven by pressures such as unemployment and debt.

◉A Cycloon courier delivering food in Amsterdam. Source: FaceMePLS from The Hague, the Netherlands / Wikimedia Commons
A British longitudinal study begun in 1970 found that unemployed people aged 30 to 42 face a significantly elevated risk of diabetes and hypertension. Each additional spell of unemployment increases the risk of diabetes by 39% and the risk of hypertension by 28%. Debt further compounds this health risk, making matters still more dire.

Yet systematic research into the health of gig workers remains limited. What health challenges the 200 million gig workers in China face is, more than ever, a gap the public health system urgently needs to fill. Future health policies and labour regulations must confront this group’s health struggles head-on and adopt systematic protective measures, so as to prevent the widening chasm of health inequality.

III. “Digital Resilience” and “Health Resilience”

A high-intensity work pace and precarious income are not merely the riders’ reality of survival – they are a microcosm of “transitional labour” in modern society. Many of us may well be engaged in work that is as “instrumental rather than meaningful” as doing food-delivery work.

In such work, irregular meals have become the shared plight of millions of labourers. The riders’ predicament prompts us to ask: why have food security and economic development not made it any easier to eat well?

Behind the convenience of the digital economy often lies a hidden health cost borne by workers. I greatly admire the bottom-up approach of Transitional Labour, and I am particularly struck by the various labour strategies digital workers employ to resist algorithmic management – what Sun Ping calls “digital resilience”. This makes me wonder: beyond “digital resilience”, should we pay still greater attention to workers’ “health resilience“?

◉A Deliveroo rider in Manchester city centre. Source: www.shopblocks.com.jpg / Wikimedia Commons
Acutely aware that “if your hands and feet stop, your mouth stops too”, can these riders keep toughing it out under such gruelling physical labour? How can they guard against the health toll of nutritional imbalance, chronic fatigue, excessive working hours, and the mental strain of being trapped inside an algorithm? Does the flexibility of the digital economy simply mean a more efficient mobilisation of labour – and is anyone truly watching over workers’ health? Whatever the answer, riders’ health should not be a sacrifice demanded by the platform economy. “Short-lived labour” is unsustainable.

From a nutritionist’s perspective, I hope that every rider can eat well and enjoy the same health equity (health equity) as workers in every other profession. In the future, as we consider issues such as riders’ labour protections and fair compensation, should we also incorporate “health resilience” into the conversation? This is a question that everyone concerned about workers’ well-being ought to reflect upon.

References

Awǎn. “Gale Warning | Why Did Liu Xiaoyang, a Farm Woman from the Northwest, Touch a Nerve of the Times?” Accessed 23 February 2025. https://mp.weixin.qq.com/s/a4wl4c7NuRpNQaJ1npeyEg.

Fanzhou Yiheyuan. “Street Flavours: The Health Challenges Facing Delivery Riders”. Accessed 22 February 2025. https://www.wyzxwk.com/Article/gongnong/2024/01/485889.html.

Random Fluctuations. “Feeding the Algorithm with Our Bodies: Food-Delivery Riders, You and I Are All ‘Human Batteries'”. Accessed 23 February 2025. https://www.stovol.club/143.

Sun Ping. Transitional Labour, 2024. https://book.douban.com/subject/36985251/.

Kim, Min-Seok, Juyeon Oh, Juho Sim, Byung-Yoon Yun and Jin-Ha Yoon. “Association between Exposure to Violence, Job Stress and Depressive Symptoms among Gig Economy Workers in Korea”. Annals of Occupational and Environmental Medicine 35 (2023): e43. https://doi.org/10.35371/aoem.2023.35.e43.

Mulhollem, Jeff. “‘Triple burden’ of invisible labor major stressor for farm women, study finds | Penn State University”, 2024. https://www.psu.edu/news/research/story/triple-burden-invisible-labor-major-stressor-farm-women-study-finds.

Rodriguez, Fatima, Ashish Sarraju and Mintu P. Turakhia. “The Gig Economy Worker: A New Social Determinant of Health?” JAMA Cardiology 7, no. 2 (1 February 2022): 125–26. https://doi.org/10.1001/jamacardio.2021.5435.

Rose, G., and M. G. Marmot. “Social Class and Coronary Heart Disease”. British Heart Journal 45, no. 1 (January 1981): 13–19. https://doi.org/10.1136/hrt.45.1.13.

Waynforth, David. “Unstable employment and health in middle age in the longitudinal 1970 British Birth Cohort Study”. Evolution, Medicine, and Public Health 2018, no. 1 (27 March 2018): 92–99. https://doi.org/10.1093/emph/eoy009.

Foodthink Author

Zheng Luyue

US Registered Dietitian and PhD student in Nutritional Sciences at the University of New Hampshire, USA. In recent years, she has been exploring smallholder livelihoods in New England under the supervision of a sociology advisor. She dislikes eating alone and updates two podcasts on an irregular schedule (@八九不离食, @悦食谈)

 

 

 

Editor: Wang Hao